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The Youth-Uprising Manifesto

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FROM THE EXTREME
RIGHT TO THE EXTREME LEFT, every political party prides itself on
representing the young or fighting for their future! In fact,
they each defend the interests of a defined "mass"—"proletarian",
"middle class", or "healthy elements of the Nation"—by
enslaving this upsurging force that is OUR YOUTH.

Those who employ
this "mass" deny the existence of the suffering of the
young as such. Their main argument is the following:

"If both the
proletarian or the bourgeois (the economic agent) remain in their
condition by definition and really have to defend their interests,
the youth is nothing but a fleeting, fluctuating state. We are only
young for X many years."

This statement is
false. Neither the proletarian nor the bourgeois definitively remain
in their condition. They die. They leave their place behind for a
very different one: Death.

They will only be
"proletarian"/"bourgeois" for X many years. But
for a movement to exist, there must always be a mass of individuals
finding out that they are necessarily integrated in the structure of
the movement's interests and that they necessarily struggle within
its frameworks toward their liberation.

The proletariat
is a "class" that will disappear in the near future with
the appearance of "factories without workers". It is
already decreasing today, according to the observations of the very
Marxists who speak of the "deterioration of the proletariat".
However, as long as there are proletarians who will die and be
replaced by others and as long as there is a "provisional-state
proletariat", a proletarian movement will be necessary.

Similarly, even
if one should die YOUNG, as long as there is some youth who will find
themselves within this situation, a "Youth Movement" will
always be necessary.

In the meantime,
while denying the young's possibility of existence, each group has
created ITS OWN (communist, Catholic, Gaullist or other) youth, thus
accomplishing what it denied abstractly as the impossibility of
integrating into a fixed system.

First, young
people are their family’s slaves. They belong to others well past
the age when they become aware of their life and desires.

Afterwards, they
are overexploited in various inferior hierarchies (under the pretext
of "adulthood training") until they reach the established
function, a function they accept or RESIGN THEMSELVES to. At this
point, they will participate in exchanges with other agents, correct
or incorrect exchanges, thereby leading to new irregularities
(example: the surplus value of the exploited proletarian) after the
determination of the function of the AGENT-IN-ITSELF.

Until now, the
economist has analyzed the activity of individuals only from the
point of view in which they are agents (the proletarians themselves
only make their revolution such as it is or else betray their "class"
and its function).

But there are in
France 10 million YOUTHS who do not have this "disposition
toward property" that characterizes homo economicus
(Strigl). Regardless of classes, they are slaves, tools, luxury
goods, the property of others because they do not have the "free
decision" the family makes for them. Hence a revolt facing their
INEXISTENCE so as to gain a Real Independence, for they form a
compact mass situated outside the circuit of exchange (internity) of
the agents who coincide with their productivity and their property.

IGNORED OR
NEGLECTED BY ECONOMISTS, THIS CHARACTER OF THE YOUTH'S EXTERNITY HAS
IMPEDED EVERY SOCIAL AND POLITICAL REFORM AND ARRANGEMENT.

This is not a
question of "Class". There are integrated proletarians and
capitalists who do not accept their function, who are outsiders to
their situation, and who throw themselves into every revolution to
change their place. Various bourgeois individuals (like Marx,
Trotsky, Lenin) and aristocrats (like Mme. Kolontay) made revolution.
They were ambitious "outsiders" [externes]. Their
revolutionary access, in "Marxist" terms, could only be
explained by ambiguous formulas like "bad class consciousness".

Whatever their
age, we call Young those individuals who do not yet coincide with
their function, who agitate and struggle to reach the center of the
desired agent.

We can only
summarize in a few insufficient lines the situation of slavery and
hierarchical overexploitation, a unitary obstacle to the dynamic (and
"upstart") desire to join a precise function on the market.

The first volume
of Youth Uprising (published in Escaliers de Lausanne)
presents the mathematical formulation of the notion of EXTERNITY -
sum apart from circuit.

In order to enter
the circuit of agents (despite the opposition of homines
economici), these millions of (detached) outsiders have to
incessantly disrupt the means of production and the established forms
of government, creating the ECONOMIC DYNAMICS whose explanation could
never have been given by the theoreticians of the circuit.

MARX saw that
there was a materialist dialectic but never knew WHO creates this
dialectic.

The proletarians,
like the other insider agents, destroyed machines before being
subjected to them. They cannot in any way create what they are
subjected to.

If the solution
were merely the resolution of class conflicts, a victorious class
should remain the Last.

And yet,
throughout the course of history this very class has been eliminated
by new technics, replaced by other kinds of agents and unforeseen
classes (patrician-plebian, master-journeyman, etc.).

Who creates this
technics from outside the mass of agents, which disrupts even the
situation of the agents?

If history were
only a class struggle in the circuit, the victory of the proletariat
should mean the end of conflicts. And yet, after the proletarian
victory, in Russia we witnessed various Trotsky-Stalin antagonisms,
and today we are witnessing various Stalin-Tito ruptures and the
trials of Rajk and Kostov.

In front of the
ambitious band of outsiders who had replaced the "old guard",
Stalin told Trotsky: These cadres will leave only through civil
war.

If there can be
civil war after the victory of the proletariat, this is because the
resolution of class problems has not resolved anything, and because
there is a mass of interests that are outside class and circuit in
general, which we call the PROBLEMS OF EXTERNITY (slavery of youth
and hierarchical overexploitation), problems which have escaped the
economists of the circuit and form the DYNAMICS OF EXTERNITY.

Political economy
has, up to today, ignored over-exploitative slave-wage EXTERNITY. It
has only been concerned with harmonizing the interests of the
established agents. This is why the External Mass has disrupted the
market-managers' plans of "LIBERTÉ, ÉGALITÉ, FRATERNITÉ"
by bringing about the dictatorships, wars, and revolutions that allow
it to pillage "the property curve".

Any reform must
therefore start with the resolution of the millions of pre-agents who
constitute the "malady" of Society.

For the malady of
youth is economical and not biological.

The methodical
line of demands [revendications] ranges from the absorption of
externity to repercussions on the circuit.

Reduction of
the number of school years
Modern methods of education enable a
faster assimilation of the necessary knowledge (Montessori, Decroly,
Wyneken ...) for integrating into the desired function. The young
must be freed as quickly as possible so that they can suffer slavery
for as long as possible and achieve independence.

Elimination of
the baccalaureate
Tens of thousands of people lose precious years
in college. There is no "rock bottom" ["bac"]
in America...it will be introduced in due time because it will
protect society from the competition of "newcomers".
Education reform must be obtained by the youth for the youth. We must
not allow philanthropists or commissions to serve the agents'
interests (who fear our competition) to constantly increase the
number of years of stupefying schooling.

Decrease in
tax
The introduction of an immense number of years into
productive functions will bring about in the circuit an increasing
amount of wealth and therefore taxes.

Startup
Capital
In order to avoid hierarchical overexploitation, we must
advance the cause of youth groups guided according to a plan of
balancing functions, the sum of which is necessary for the creation
of new companies. (Let a sum of money circulate above the rising
margin to prevent the masses from the immediate wealth of the
outsiders—one joins up with Keynes, one justifies him).

Against the
nationalization of companies
A new breakthrough of companies and
goods into the circuit requires us to regulate the given circuit with
its class antagonists. The remnants of the past embarrass us, which
is why we need to reorganize and overcome them. Only those who
actually work or technically lead companies need to participate in
profit distributions. The nationalization of companies makes it
possible for a whole series of new parasites, bureaucrats, and men of
Paris to leech off the sweat of workers, like in the U.S.S.R.

As long as the
youth suffer in slavery or will be hierarchically exploited, they
will throw themselves into all the warlike follies and barbarities
that allow them at least to save themselves from their INEXISTENCE.

Among the people,
there are those who want to stay in their place, who do not want to
change their function, who want all this to continue. And then there
is the mass of the young who are struggling to disrupt everything.

This is why the
fascists, in addressing themselves to the youth with false claims,
have triumphed and have had more success than the anarchists who
continued to cling to factories and proletarians.

In Italy, whose
population is roughly equal to that of France, Mussolini won power
with 200,000 youths. In Russia (160 million inhabitants), Lenin made
Revolution with the support of 500-800,000 people.

It was the young
people who made the resistance, not the leaders who gave orders and
commanded from their comfortable chairs. Outside any class,
revolutions were made by young people who have allied themselves to
these classes to be betrayed by them and rejected, such that young
people can stop using merchandise to become consumers of their own
momentum.

IF YOU DO NOT
SAVE THE YOUTH,
THE YOUTH WILL FORGET YOU.

Translated by
Taegen Meyer and Taylor Adkins, original
http://www.lelettrisme.org/assets/manifeste-du-soulèvement-isou.pdf

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